China asserts paternal rights over Hong Kong in democracy clash


 Thousands of pro-democracy protesters gather to march in the streets to demand universal suffrage in Hong Kong, in this July 1, 2014 file picture.  Credit: REUTERS/Tyrone Siu/Files

Thousands of pro-democracy protesters gather to march in the streets to demand universal suffrage in Hong Kong, in this July 1, 2014 file picture.
Credit: REUTERS/Tyrone Siu/Files

Just days before China was set to deliver its edict on electoral reform in Hong Kong, Beijing’s most senior official in the city held a rare meeting with several local lawmakers whose determined push for full democracy had incensed Beijing’s Communist leaders.

The setting at the Aug. 19 meeting was calm: A room with plush cream carpets, Chinese ink brush landscape paintings and a vase of purple orchids. The political mood outside, however, was fraught. Democratic protesters were threatening to shut down the global financial hub with an “Occupy Central” sit-in if Beijing refused to allow the city to freely elect its next leader.

After the formal smiles and handshakes with Zhang Xiaoming, the head of China’s Liaison Office in Hong Kong, the mood soured. Pro-democracy lawmaker Leung Yiu-chung asked Zhang whether Beijing would allow any democrat to run for the city’s highest office.
Zhang, 51, dressed in a black suit and a navy blue striped tie, delivered a blunt response. “The fact that you are allowed to stay alive, already shows the country’s inclusiveness,” he answered, according to two people in the room who declined to be named. Zhang’s office did not respond to several faxed requests for comment.

VISIONS OF CHAOS

Zhang’s remarks stripped away any pretence China could find common ground with Hong Kong’s democracy camp. The two sides have been wrangling over what it means to have “one country, two systems” for the past 30 years – China stressing “one country” and democrats in the former British colony the “two systems”.

For Beijing, Western-style democracy conjures up visions of “color revolutions” and the “Arab Spring”, of chaos and instability that could pose a mortal threat to the ruling Communist Party. For many Hong Kong residents, free elections means preserving the British-instituted rule of law, accountability of leaders, and multi-party politics as a check on government powers.

At the Aug. 19 meeting, Zhang said Beijing had been generous even allowing democrats such as Leung to run for legislative seats. He insisted that the next leader had to be a “patriot”.

“We were shocked,” said one person who attended the meeting. “But Zhang Xiaoming is only an agent who delivered the stance of the central government without trying to polish it.”

Few were surprised, though, when China’s highest lawmaking body, the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress (NPCSC), announced an electoral package on Aug. 31 that said any candidate for Hong Kong’s chief executive in the 2017 election had to first get majority support from a 1,200-person nominating panel – likely to be stacked with pro-Beijing loyalists.

Democrats say the decision spelled out China’s bottom line on political reform: A direct vote will be allowed, but only if Beijing vets the candidates.

Yet the pro-democracy movement is vowing to press on with its campaign of civil disobedience. It is threatening to lock down Hong Kong’s main business district with sit-ins in October, protesting what they call “fake” Chinese-style democracy. Students plan to boycott university classes later this month. And the city’s 27 pro-democracy lawmakers have threatened to block Beijing’s 2017 electoral package in the legislature, where they hold nearly one-third of the seats – enough to veto the law and block future government policies.

Benny Tai, one of the movement’s three leaders, takes a longer-term view. “I call this a process of democratic baptism … by participating, people will be baptized by democratic ideals,” Tai told Reuters. “So it is not the end of the movement, it’s the beginning of the movement, the beginning of a disobedience age.”

“LEAD CHINA FORWARD”

As a colonial power, Britain appointed Hong Kong’s governors and never encouraged democratic development for almost all of the 156 years it ruled the colony. It was only when Britain and China broadly agreed on how to hand over the colony to China, beginning with a “Joint Declaration” in 1984, that a blueprint for democracy was envisioned. It led to the signing of the “Basic Law” in 1990, which said the city could keep its wide-ranging freedoms and autonomy, and for the first time stated universal suffrage as “the ultimate aim”, while ensuring China still had ample levers to ensure its influence over the city.

Martin Lee, a founder of the city’s main opposition Democratic Party who helped draft the Basic Law, recalls meeting late Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping in Beijing’s Great Hall of the People on April 16, 1987.

“He said many things. But one of them was if 50 years should prove not enough for you, you can have another 50 years,” Lee said, referring to China’s pledge not to change anything in Hong Kong until 2047.

China’s 1989 crackdown on the protests around Tiananmen Square was a watershed for both sides on how democracy might evolve. After mass demonstrations erupted in Beijing, new democratic groups sprouted up in Hong Kong. China began to see Hong Kong as a potential national security threat.

“When Deng formulated ‘one country, two systems’, I suppose he didn’t anticipate there would be the June 4 massacre which caused Hong Kong people so much anger against the Communists,” Lee said in his law office, which contains a bronze bust of Winston Churchill and a picture of a June 4 candle-light vigil in the city. “He thought he could win us over.”

Fear and anxiety mounted instead. The years leading up to the actual handover of the city to Beijing in 1997 saw a wave of people and businesses emigrating abroad, fearful of the imminent handover to China.

DISMEMBERMENT BY ‘BLACK HANDS’

Chinese officials rankle at current-day comparisons to British rule, pointing out that Britain never brought democracy to Hong Kong during a century and a half of colonial rule. “Hong Kong people did not stand up to demand democracy,” said a person with ties to the leadership in Beijing. “This is a big improvement compared with the British. Still, some people do not see it as the glass half full, but half empty.”

Any criticism of China’s handling of Hong Kong by countries like Britain and the United States also draws claims of foreign intervention from Beijing. China, ever mindful of how it was carved up in the 19th century by foreign powers, fears the democracy movement in Hong Kong could precipitate another break-up, said a source in Beijing close to the Chinese leadership.

“When there is chaos in Hong Kong, they will push for Hong Kong to become independent,” said a second source with leadership ties, referring to meddling by “black hands,” or foreign agents. These forces “want to influence the mainland to become a democracy and be dismembered like the Soviet Union.”

In the years after 1997, Beijing seemed content to stay at arm’s length from Hong Kong. Former president Jiang Zemin made reunification with Taiwan a top priority and so it was important for China that the “one country, two systems” formula was seen as successful.

Beijing also hoped that people in Hong Kong would slowly begin to identify with the Chinese nation over time, especially younger generations schooled under a post-colonial system.

But a series of opinion polls taken every six months since the 1997 handover tells a different story. The number of respondents in the University of Hong Kong survey expressing confidence in China’s future has fallen steadily from 75 percent in 1997 to 50 percent in June. Moreover, the survey showed the younger the respondent, the less proud they were of becoming a Chinese national citizen.

China’s current unbending line on Hong Kong also has to do with its emergence as a power on the world stage and is in line with a more assertive posture adopted by President Xi Jinping. When Jiang negotiated the island’s future in 1997, China’s gross domestic product was US$0.95 trillion (7.9 trillion yuan). Today it is US$9.4 trillion, making it the world’s second-biggest economy.

“(Beijing) was poor, tolerant and made concessions then to (try to) win the hearts of Hong Kong people,” said the first source with ties to the leadership, referring to China’s more conciliatory approach under Deng and his successors.

It may also have to do with internal Chinese politics. Xi’s uncompromising line on Hong Kong may be an effort to protect his flank as he pushes ahead with economic reforms and a far-reaching anti-corruption campaign that has targeted powerful figures in the Communist Party.

“China needs to draw lessons from the achievements of foreign politics, but the foundations of our system should absolutely not be given up,” Xi said in a September 5 speech in Beijing.

PEACE AND LOVE

“The Occupy Central with Love and Peace” movement coalesced in January 2013 after Benny Tai, a law professor at the University of Hong Kong, wrote a newspaper column proposing a Gandhi-like civil disobedience movement – an escalation from the usual marches and candlelight vigils – to press for universal suffrage.

The movement got an indication of Beijing’s bottom line on democratic reform in June when the Chinese government issued a “White Paper” that reminded Hong Kong residents that it wields supreme authority in the city. Hong Kong administrators, including judges, had to “love the country” as a basic requirement to hold office, it said.

Undeterred, the Occupy movement organized an unofficial referendum on universal suffrage at the end of June that drew 800,000 ballots calling for free elections. Then, on July 1, nearly half a million protesters marched to the financial district. Over 500 were arrested after activists staged an overnight sit-in.

That sparked consternation in Beijing. It was a reminder of a mass protest in 2003 when half a million people poured onto the streets of Hong Kong to protest an anti-subversion bill by the territory’s legislature – the biggest anti-government protest on Chinese soil since the demonstrations in Tiananmen Square.

“When they saw the Democrats attending these rallies, they just drew the line and treated us as enemies,” said Martin Lee.

Pro-Beijing groups countered in August with a mass demonstration of their own at which they warned of public disorder and the perils of antagonizing China.

Jasper Tsang, one of the founders of the pro-Beijing Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong, the city’s largest political party, said China’s leaders never promised full democracy.

“I would think if the Basic Law were written in the last five years, it would be very likely that we would leave out the words ‘universal suffrage'”, Tsang said.

BETWEEN FATHER AND SON

Protest-leader Benny Tai counsels patience. He says a time will come when China is truly ready for political reform. When it does, “Hong Kong naturally will be chosen as the experimental ground for democratic reform in mainland China,” he says. “I still have confidence in the long run. We may be able to win the war, even if we lose this battle.”

The view in Beijing is less accommodating.

“The mainland has been too nice to Hong Kong,” said the first source with leadership ties. “The relationship between the center and Hong Kong is not one between brothers, but between father and son. The son has to listen to the father.”

Source: Reuters “China asserts paternal rights over Hong Kong in democracy clash”

Related posts:

  • Hong Kong Democracy a Model for China’s Democratization dated September 6, 2014
  • The Wise Way to Fight for Democracy in Hong Kong dated September 3, 2014
  • Hong Kong braces for protests as China rules out full democracy dated September 1, 2014
  • China and Hong Kong poised for showdown over democracy dated August 31, 2014
  • Beijing Tightening Its Grip of Hong Kong by Various Means dated July 2, 2014

Xi Jinping Exploits Development of Military Technology to Control PLA


Xi Jinping met chiefs of general staff of Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) member states who attend a conference of them in Beijing on August 28. Photo: Xinhua/Yao Dawei

Xi Jinping met chiefs of general staff of Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) member states who attend a conference of them in Beijing on August 28. Photo: Xinhua/Yao Dawei

In my book Tiananmen’s Tremendous Achievements I describe Jiang Zemin exploiting the panic caused by US shocking victory in the Gulf War to modernize the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and establish his control of PLA by replacing old generation of generals ignorant of modern military technology with well-educated generals who have mastery of new military technology.

Jiang established his position as the core of CCP (Chinese Communist Party) leadership first through his control of Chinese military. His success in transforming China’s state-owned enterprises made him the paramount leader.

Now, it is Xi Jinping’s turn to establish his control of Chinese military through the modernization in light of new development of technology.

According to Xinhua’s report, Xi presided over the 17th collective study of CCP Politburo to jointly study the new trend in world military development in order to promote innovations in Chinese military.

Prof. Xiao Tianliang of the Strategy Teaching and Research Faculty of the National Defense University gave a lecture on the issue and provided his opinions and suggestions.

Xi gave a speech when he presided over the study. He pointed out that in studying military issues, one has first to be clear of the general trend of development in the world and accurately grasp the new trend in military development. At present, the international situation is at a new turning point where division and integration of various strategic forces are quickened. The international system has entered a new period of accelerated transformation and adjustment. The development and changes in military sphere is extensive and profound amid the unprecedented great changes in the situation. They are an important part of the great development, transformation and adjustment in the world.

In military sphere, such development, transformation and adjustment center on information technology (IT) and mainly consist of innovation in military strategy, technology, principles, doctrines, capabilities, institutions and management modes with the goal to reorganize China’s military systems. The new military revolution resulting from them is so deep, quick, large-scale, extensive and great in repercussion that has been rare since the end of World War II.

Xi stressed that the new military revolution in the world is an all-round one that penetrates all levels and cover all spheres of war and military buildup. It concerns not only the swift and vigorous advance in military science and technology, but also incessant innovations in military theory and profound transformation of military systems.

He said that there was greater need than ever before to carry on the fine tradition of military innovation to strive to establish a full set of new military theory, institution, organization, weapon systems, strategy, tactics and management mode that suits information warfare and performance of missions.

Xi stressed that among the innumerable arduous tasks of military innovation, priority shall be given to:

1. Persisting in achieving the goal of making China militarily powerful;

2. Persisting in liberating thoughts and changing concepts so as to have the courage to change the fixed mindsets of mechanized warfare and establish the ideological concept of information warfare, change the fixed mindsets of maintaining traditional safety and establish the ideological concept of safeguarding the nation’s comprehensive safety and development of strategic interests, and change the fixed mindsets of fighting with a single arm of the services and establish the ideological concept of integrating and combining various arms of services in combat.

3. Persisting in grasping the key issue to promote the progress of the whole;

4. Persisting in stressing Chinese military’s special characteristics and conducting independent innovations.

He wanted in addition joint military and civilian efforts in innovation so that China’s military industry will be greatly supported by civilian industries.

When Xi has completed his transformation of Chinese military in the above mentioned manner, Chinese military will be dominated by the professional officers promoted by him. Xi will thus take full control of Chinese military.

Reuters says in its report on the speech, “The announcement by Xi could rattle many of China’s rivals, including the United States. Officials in Washington have argued for years that cyber espionage is a top national security concern, and Beijing and Washington have confronted each other publicly about the issue. In May, U.S. authorities charged five Chinese military officers with hacking into American companies to steal trade secrets.”

If the US responds to Xi’s revolutionary transformation of Chinese military in that way, the US is doomed to be defeated by China.

Accusation of hacking and cyber espionage is but a propaganda trick to reduce the impact of Snowden scandal. The US admits that it is carrying out cyber espionage against the governments and military of other nations. It accuses China of espionage for stealing trade secrets from US companies not for stealing secrets from US government and military. It is common knowledge that both the US and China are conducting espionage to steal the other’s military secrets. Accusation of that is meaningless.

However, the IT innovation that Xi regards as the core has nothing to do with hacking and cyber espionage. As far as this bloggers knows, China is making great efforts in developing quantum communications networks that are entirely secure from hacking and cyber espionage. Perhaps, there is something more advanced that this blogger is not aware of.

At least, in Chinese media reports about Chinese military drills, there are descriptions of successful fulfillment of tasks in spite of difficult information warfare situation such as interference and jamming. It gives the impression that Quantum communications (or some other kind of communications) are used by Chinese troops.

We shall see that what Xi means is China following the trend of great development, transformation and adjustment in the world while hacking and cyber espionage are nothing new.

The following is the full text of Reuters report:

China’s Xi urges army to create strategy for information warfare

Chinese President Xi Jinping has said China will spur military innovation and called on the army to create a new strategy for “information warfare” as the country embarks on military reform, state media said on Saturday.

Xi heads the Central Military Commission, which controls the 2.3-million-strong armed forces, the world’s largest, and is stepping up efforts to modernize forces that are projecting power across disputed waters in the East and South China Seas.

During a meeting with the ruling Chinese Communist Party’s Politburo, Xi said China “must vigorously promote military innovation” but warned it will be difficult.

“When you compare military innovation to other forms of innovation, the demands are greater and there will be a higher degree of difficulty,” Xi was quoted as saying.

“Faced with the severe challenges to our national security and stability and the deep-seated contradictions and problems with reform, it is even more pressing that we greatly liberate our ideas and concepts, have the courage to change our fixed mindsets of mechanized warfare and establish the ideological concept of information warfare”.

Xi said the army must “strive to establish a new military doctrine, institutions, equipment systems, strategies and tactics and management modes” for information warfare.

The announcement by Xi could rattle many of China’s rivals, including the United States. Officials in Washington have argued for years that cyber espionage is a top national security concern, and Beijing and Washington have confronted each other publicly about the issue.

In May, U.S. authorities charged five Chinese military officers with hacking into American companies to steal trade secrets.

A hacking attempt on a sensitive Canadian government computer network last month was similar to attacks mounted by an elite unit of the Chinese army based in Shanghai, according to a cybersecurity expert.

China has denied those charges, saying it is also a victim of cyber attacks.

In March, China announced its biggest rise in military spending in three years, a strong signal that it is not about to back away from its growing assertiveness in Asia, especially in disputed waters.

The spending increase appears to reflect Xi’s desire to build what he calls a strong, rejuvenated China, even though the country has not fought a war in decades.

Xi also recently urged military leaders to speed efforts to get the country’s sole aircraft carrier combat-ready.

Aside from the carrier, China is developing a range of high-tech weaponry, from stealth fighters to systems for shooting down satellites.

Source: Xinhua news carried by huanqiu.com “Xi Jinping: Grasp the new trend in military development, vigorously promote military innovations” (summary by Chan Kai Yee based on the report in Chinese)

Source: Reuters “China’s Xi urges army to create strategy for information warfare”


Dining at Fast Food Restaurant, Xi Jinping’s Way to Fight Corruption


President Xi Jinping's intense corruption crackdown has put enormous stress on corrupt officials.

President Xi Jinping’s intense corruption crackdown has put enormous stress on corrupt officials.

As corruption has permeated entire China, prevention is much more important than punishment. Now, Chinese president has been sending investigation teams to provinces, cities and regions at provincial level, agencies and institutions of the state and state-owned enterprises. The teams have discovered lots of corrupt officials and punished them.

However, by what means can Xi Jinping prevent corruption?

Lots of political experts and experienced journalists outside China hold that Xi is fighting a hopeless war against corruption as the essential means to prevent corruption is transparency in the government, which is precisely what China is short of.

There can be transparency in local governments. Xi Jinping’s mass line campaign allows common people to supervise local governments. That will lead to transparency in local governments.

However, what about the three black boxes described in my book Tiananmen’s Tremendous Achievements Expanded 2nd Edition.

Regarding the first black box, the Politburo Standing Committee (PSC) of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), people often see its members in CCTV primetime news, but its operation is a well-guarded secret.

There is little information available about the second black box, the powerful elders who rule China behind the scene. Reports about powerful elders’ activities are few and far between.

The third black box the secret police that plays the role of America’s CIA and FBI, is entirely off limit to the general public. Unlike in Mao era when people always felt that they were being watched by secret police, now most people even do not sense the existence of secret police. However, secret police are keeping a close watch on political dissidents, official conspiracies and foreign spies without our knowledge.

Unless a thorough political reform or transformation has taken place, the above-mentioned three essential parts of Chinese government will remain black boxes even when there is transparency in most other parts of the government. Of course, functions concerning security will remain state secrets just like such functions of America’s CIA and FBI.

Are there any other ways out?

China’s traditional Confucianism advocates education by good examples and benevolence to move the people to be good. However, there are always bad elements that cannot be reformed by education or examples.

Confucianism shall certainly be supplemented by some means to deal with the bad elements.

In his masterpiece Han Fei Tzu, China’s top Legalist taught sovereigns to rule common people by law and control officials by awe, tricks and intrigues.

Awe is a must.

Over the past few decades, awe has indeed played a vital role in Chinese politics. The awe created by Tiananmen Protests enabled Jiang Zemin to carry through the reform Deng Xiaoping and Zhao Ziyang had difficulties to carry out. It also enabled Jiang to successfully carry out a coup to substitute intellectuals’ dominance of the Party and state for uneducated workers’ and peasants’.

In my previous post, I mentioned that the awe created by shocking US victory in Gulf War had prevented quite a lot of bad elements’ activities due to their fear of US strength. Al Qaeda did not dare to admit that they attacked the US on September 11, 1991 while Russia dared not veto West’s resolution on Libya.

There are lots of trouble when there is no longer such awe now in the world as US failures in its wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have given the world the impression the US is not invincible. Al Qaeda openly wants to set up an Islamic state while Russia wants to annex parts of Ukraine. They are now bold enough to openly challenge the US. Restoration of the awe is now US first priority in maintaining world order.

Trick and intrigue are sometimes unavoidable.

In my book, I describe how the legal and democracy faction used trick and intrigue to bring down Bo Xilai, the head of the powerful conservative faction.

For Xi, he has to create the awe so that corrupt official dare not commit corruption. In late 2013, he placed under house arrest a powerful elder Zhou Yongkang referred to by Western media as security Tsar. If he succeeds in punishing powerful elder Zhou and retired top general Xu Caihou, he will create the awe he needs as all the corrupt officials however high their ranks and great their influence will be scared.

Corrupt officials countered by spreading the fear among corruption fighters: Beware of powerful officials’ retaliation when you have offended so many of them.

Xi fought back by dining at a fast food restaurant for common people in late December last year. He gave the impression: Yes, I have offended lots of powerful corrupt officials, but I am not afraid of retaliation. I did other leaders did not dare to do in dining among the general public without any fear of assassination.

This was not an act to show that he was close to the people. He had shown that in quite a few visits to common people. This was a predetermined brave act to intensify the awe created by his anti-corruption storm. It told corrupt officials that he was not afraid of death in carrying through his fight against corruption.

SCMP’s report today “More stressed officials taking their own lives as corruption crackdown presses on” tells us how the awe created by Xi works.

It says, “Last month alone, six officials committed suicide, according to media reports. Two, from Henan and Hubei respectively, left letters saying they were depressed; one was reported to have accepted bribes.

“Experts say President Xi Jinping’s intense corruption crackdown has put enormous stress on corrupt officials.”

Source: Chan Kai Yee Tiananmen’s Tremendous Achievements Expanded 2nd edition

Source: SCMP “More stressed officials taking their own lives as corruption crackdown presses on”

Related posts:

  • Chinese President Xi Jinping Lined up to Buy Steamed Buns dated December 28, 2013
  • China Urges US to Accept It as an Ally ahead of Key Meeting dated July 4, 2014

China’s CCP Dynasty with a Core like an Emperor


I was invited by Linkedin to publish my post there yesterday. The following is my second post there. I am grateful that Linkedin provides me with a forum to make known my views to quite a few of its members. They certainly can buy or borrow my book to read but perhaps it’s too long and boring. I will give them some most interesting parts of it and hope that they may find my posts entertaining. The following is my second post that I hope viewers of this website may find it interesting:

Some people oppose this description of China’s political system on the ground that the dynasty is not hereditary and would rather regard it as a Leninist system like the Soviet Union.

They do not know the great difference between Chinese and Soviet systems. In the Soviet Union when one is elected to the top post of the communist party, he naturally has the power as the head of the party, but that is not the case in China. Let me quote some passages of Chapter 6 of my book Tiananmen’s Tremendous Achievements:

One thing quite interesting in Chinese politics is that there are no definition, codes or rules whatever about the power of an emperor in the past and the core (paramount leader) of CCP (Chinese Communist Party) now. In fact, even if there are some codes or rules, there is no institution or mechanism to enforce them.

An emperor could have absolute power like Emperor Shihuangdi of Qin (259-221 BC), but might have almost no power like Shihuangdi’s successor Huhai, whose power was usurped by Zhao Gao, a eunuch. Zhao Gao even dared to give Huhai a stag as a gift and told Huhai that the stag was a wonderful horse. Huhai protested, “It is a stag not a horse”, but most of the officials in the court echoed Zhao Gao’s view as Zhao Gao had already usurped almost all the power and would punish those who dared to challenge him. Huhai was later killed by Zhao Gao.

Seeing that the sovereign power in quite a few states was usurped by powerful courtiers at the end of the Period of Warring States (476-221 BC), Han Fei Tzu, a Legalist master, wrote a book entitled Han Fei Tzu to teach sovereigns of state the art for being an emperor. He taught sovereigns to use law to govern the people and power, tricks and intrigues to control the officials. Emperor Shihuangdi praised the book highly and adopted Han Fei Tzu’s ways to rule the country. However, Han Fei Tzu’s way is to control officials with awe. The book gives the advice that a sovereign must keep a distance from everyone including his family members, relatives and officials and trust no one. That is certainly not a good way and a sovereign will thus have no friends and lead a lonely life.

Shihuangdi acted just like that. He killed his biological father Lu Buwei when Lu became too powerful and sent his eldest son Prince Fusu to the border to defend the empire against enemy in the north. When he died, in his imperial edict he wanted Prince Fusu to succeed him, but his eunuch Zhao Gao and Prime Minister Li Si replaced it with a fabricated edict to have Prince Huhai to be the successor and Prince Fusu killed. From this we can see the greatest problem in Han Fei Tzu’s art for being an emperor is that after a sovereign has died there will be no powerful loyal courtiers to ensure smooth succession. That was the root cause for Shihuangdi’s sons’ tragedy.

As mentioned above, at first, Deng Xiaoping wanted to establish a system of collective leadership in the Party, but later changed his mind and wanted the collective leadership to have a core. This idea about a core for the Party is perhaps realistic for the Party because for thousands of years, China has to have a highly centralized power center. However, the succession to a core is now the most difficult problem for the Party. For a hereditary dynasty, when a proper heir succeeded a deceased emperor, he first of all had the legitimacy to take over the power as an emperor though he still needed to strengthen his powerbase. Due to the dominance of distorted Confucianism, most scholars were loyal to the proper successor; therefore, it was easy for the successor to make his officials obey him.

For the Party, the best way to have a successor to the core is to appoint the successor the posts of general secretary and concurrently the CMC (Central Military Commission) chairman, but as mentioned in Chapter 1, that general secretary and CMC chairman may only be a “daughter-in-law”. He has to obey the instructions of the core who will be the “mother-in-law”, or to a number of powerful elders, i.e. several “mothers-in-law” if there is no core.

From this, we can see how serious China’s problems are. Even in a developing country such as India, Indonesia or the Philippines, when a person is elected the prime minister or president, he naturally has the power of his office as soon as he has been elected in the parliament or inaugurated. In China, however, a Party leader elected by the Party central committee may be powerless and the country may remain dominated by the elders who hold no official posts at all. In order to really have power and be firmly established, the leader has to gradually establish his powerbase and become the core. Even if he is lucky enough to really succeed in establishing his powerbase, it will take at least several years. Anyway, it is a very difficult process because he should be skilled in applying the art for being an emperor.

In Jiang Zemin’s case, when he was appointed the general secretary and CMC chairman, he had no real power and was still not the core. How did he obtained and has maintained the status as the core? Though the first edition of this book gave a description about that in early 2010, it remained a mystery to many people especially people outside China. Most of them did not even realize that Jiang remained the core until September 28, 2012 when Jiang Zemin presided over a Politburo meeting that made decisions with his power of final say as the core of CCP leadership on major pending issues related to the 18th Party Congress and Bo Xilai.

Prior to the meeting Bo Xilai had already been placed under house arrest, but CCP had not yet been able to make a decision whether Bo should be punished and how Bo should be punished if he was to be punished. The serious disagreement even made it impossible to decide by September 27 the date of the 18th Congress to be held in November.
It had already been found through investigation the crimes of corruption committed by Bo himself and through his wife, but as no decision had been made to punish Bo, Bo and his wife’s corruption was simply not even mentioned in the trial of Bo’s wife’s murder case. In the trial of Bo’s protégé Wang Lijun, though the incident of Bo slapping Wang was mentioned, Bo was referred to as a responsible official to avoid mentioning Bo’s name. Bo remained untouchable. Obviously the reformists under Hu Jintao were not strong enough to make the decision to punish Bo. Only Jiang who remained the core could do and has actually done that.

The decision on punishing Bo was the final outcome of the power struggle between the reformists publicly represented by Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao and the conservatives headed by Bo Xilai. As mentioned above, the major issue of the struggle was the evaluation of Mao. Jiang Zemin only made a decision on punishing Bo’s crimes, but has not touched the issue of the evaluation.

The issue is left to Xi Jinping to deal with. Xi skillfully applied the art for being an emperor to satisfactorily deal with it. That will be described later in this book.

The above may be too long so that I will stop here. Those who are interested and have the patience to read the quite long book will find answers to the questions they may have after reading the above passages.

Source: Chan Kai Yee “Tiananmen’s Tremendous Achievements Expanded 2nd Edition”


Buy Print Version of My Book at Amazon US for US$13.50 in June


I have checked Amazon website and found that Amazon provides 10% discount on my 50% reduced price of US$15.00; therefore, I hereby give advice to those who intend to buy the print version of my book Tiananmen’s Tremendous Achievements Expanded 2nd Edition that they had better buy the book at amazon.com for US$13.50 using the following link:

Tiananmen's Tremendous Achievements Expanded 2nd Edition: Jiang Zemin Coup, Xi Jinping Cyclone

Tiananmen's Tremendous Achievements Expanded 2nd Edition: Jiang Zemin Coup, Xi Jinping Cyclone

Buy from Amazon

Description of my book Tiananmen’s Tremendous Achievements Expanded 2nd Edition can be find in my post “Big Discounts on My Book to Commemorate the 25th Anniversary of Tiananmen” at http://tiananmenstremendousachievements.wordpress.com/2014/06/10/heavy-discounts-on-my-book-to-commemorate-the-25th-anniversary-of-tiananmen/

The 50% discount is only available in June to commemorate the 25th anniversary of Tiananmen Protests. Amazon’s 10% discount has nothing to do with me. It is up to Amazon to decide whether it will continue to provide the 10% discount after June. If it does, the price of the printed version of my book after June will be US$27.00 instead of US$30.00 at amazon.com after June.


Buy Kindle version of my book 70% off in June at MXN38.66 from Mexico


cover 2nd ed

It takes lots of time for me to get the prices of the Kindle version of my book reduced by 70% to MXN38.66 in Mexico equivalent to US$2.99 in the United States. Please use the following link:

http://www.amazon.com.mx/s/ref=nb_sb_noss?__mk_es_MX=%C3%85M%C3%85%C5%BD%C3%95%C3%91&url=search-alias%3Ddigital-text&field-keywords=B00KTF095W

Description of my book Tiananmen’s Tremendous Achievements Expanded 2nd Edition can be find in my post “Big Discounts on My Book to Commemorate the 25th Anniversary of Tiananmen” at http://tiananmenstremendousachievements.wordpress.com/2014/06/10/heavy-discounts-on-my-book-to-commemorate-the-25th-anniversary-of-tiananmen/

The discount is only available in June to commemorate the 25th anniversary of Tiananmen Protests.

Note:
Those who order from the United States, Australia, Brazil, Britain, Canada, France, Germany, India, Italy, Japan, Mexico and Spain can enjoy the 70% discount at the price in their own currencies equivalent to the price in US dollars if they order the book from their own countries.

Those who order the Kindle version from the countries other than the above-listed countries may have to pay higher prices as prices vary due to tax and other factors according to Amazon.com. For example, those who order the Kindle version of my book from Hong Kong have to pay 4.99 US dollars per copy. I really do not know why, but that is the fact.

To avoid paying a higher price, I suggest that people in other countries had better use the US link to order the book and pay $2.99 in US dollars, but I do not know whether it is allowed. Better try.


Buy Kindle version of my book 70% off in June at CDN$3.27 from Canada


cover 2nd ed

It takes lots of time for me to get the prices of the Kindle version of my book reduced by 70% to CDN$3.27 in Canada equivalent to US$2.99 in the United States. Please use the following link:

http://www.amazon.ca/s/ref=nb_sb_noss?url=search-alias%3Daps&field-keywords=B00KTF095W

Description of my book Tiananmen’s Tremendous Achievements Expanded 2nd Edition can be find in my post “Big Discounts on My Book to Commemorate the 25th Anniversary of Tiananmen” at http://tiananmenstremendousachievements.wordpress.com/2014/06/10/heavy-discounts-on-my-book-to-commemorate-the-25th-anniversary-of-tiananmen/

The discount is only available in June to commemorate the 25th anniversary of Tiananmen Protests.

Note:
Those who order from the United States, Australia, Brazil, Britain, Canada, France, Germany, India, Italy, Japan, Mexico and Spain can enjoy the 70% discount at the price in their own currencies equivalent to the price in US dollars if they order the book from their own countries.

Those who order the Kindle version from the countries other than the above-listed countries may have to pay higher prices as prices vary due to tax and other factors according to Amazon.com. For example, those who order the Kindle version of my book from Hong Kong have to pay 4.99 US dollars per copy. I really do not know why, but that is the fact.

To avoid paying a higher price, I suggest that people in other countries had better use the US link to order the book and pay $2.99 in US dollars, but I do not know whether it is allowed. Better try.


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